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God's Politics

Competing Narratives: Lessons from the Jena 6, Part 2

by Alan Bean 07-09-2009

Theo Shaw, Jesse Ray Beard, Bryant Purvis, Corwin Jones and Robert Bailey

[continued from part 1]

The Jena phenomenon demonstrates the power and the limitations of public narrative.  Jena happened because public officials like Reed Walters and school Superintendent Roy Breithaupt didn’t want to revert to the apartheid world they were raised in, but they deeply resented the civil rights movement that had swept it all away.

Therefore, when Kenneth Purvis asked the high school principal if it was okay for black kids to sit under the tree in the school courtyard, these men froze.  When white students sent a “hell no” message by hanging nooses in the school colors from that very tree, school officials insisted that the act was devoid of racial significance.  When black students voiced their incredulity by gathering around the tree, Superintendent Breithhaupt called an emergency assembly in the school auditorium where DA Walters laid down the law.  Turning to the black students who had been causing all the trouble, Walters reminded them that “with a stroke of my pen” he could make their lives disappear.

If Breithaupt and Walters had called a hate crime by its proper name, they would have validated the civil rights narrative they resented so deeply.  So they resorted to threats.  Nothing was going to change at Jena High School, and the black students would just have to suck it up.

Asked to explain his “stroke of my pen” remark at a pre-trial hearing, Walters admitted that he was angry with the students causing the unrest.  The kids, he explained to the court, needed to “work out their problems on their own.”

Tragically, that’s precisely what happened.

Ultimately, Jena was a Lord of the Flies story about adolescent males functioning without adult guidance.  If any of the remaining Jena cases had gone to trial, this version of the Jena story would have taken center stage.  Unfortunately (and perhaps inevitably), this was not the way the Jena narrative unfolded in popular culture.

In Jena two powerful narratives competed for dominance.  A “thug narrative” was concocted for folks who resented the civil rights revolution.  Jena was about six black thugs doing what comes naturally and a Bible-believing prosecutor gutsy enough to hold them accountable.  The hero of the thug narrative is Reed Walters, the victim is Justin Barker, and the villains are six black misanthropes.  In the thug narrative, the noose incident in September was utterly disconnected from the the “attempted murder” of Justin Barker in December.

The people behind the massive September 20th protest embraced a “noose narrative,” which contrasted the lenient discipline meted out to the noose hangers in September with the grotesque prosecutorial over-reaction following the “schoolyard fight” in December.  Reed Walters was a racist, this narrative argued, because he was way too soft on white kids and way too hard on black kids.  In the noose narrative, the noose hangers are the villains, the Jena 6 are the victims, and the folks rushing to their assistance are the heroes.

While the noose narrative reigned in the blogoshpere, the thug narrative showed up in publications like the Jena Times, the Christian Science Monitor, and the Weekly Standard.

The “objective” mainstream media fell back on a “town divided” storyline in which angry proponents of the two competing narratives were given 15 seconds of fame.

This kind of noncommittal reporting left both sides vulnerable to criticism.  Thug narrative people sounded racially insensitive and parochial; noose narrative folk appeared callous when they minimized the seriousness of Justin Barker’s wounds.

Lost in all of this back and forth was a simple irony: Reed Walters’ “stroke of my pen” oratory unleashed a chain of violence that reached a violent crescendo  in the December 4th altercation he was now trying to prosecute as attempted murder.

What are the implications of all of this for criminal justice reformers?  Are we doomed to hawk simplistic morality tales to a tiny demographic of like-minded activists, or is honesty still the best policy?

Perhaps the truth lies somewhere between these two extremes.  The goal isn’t just to get the facts straight or to rev up the faithful; we are trying to change public perception.  Cases must be carefully selected.  If we want to gain and hold an audience, even the most compelling stories must be pared to their essentials.

But even stripped-down narratives must comport with reality.  Both sides in the Jena imbroglio wowed the faithful at the cost of losing credibility with the general public.  If we are trying to change public perception, an ear for nuance is essential.  America has changed dramatically from the day when a reformer like Fannie Lou Hamer could be beaten half to death in Winona, Mississippi, for advocating racial equality.  “Nothing has changed” rhetoric appeals to impatient reformers, but it won’t get a hearing in middle America.  Similarly, crude references to the depradations of “black thugs” may play well in the small-town southland, but this kind of talk doesn’t work in the wider world.

The public officials at the heart of the Jena story personify the southern dilemma.  They were raised with one set of rules, then forced to adopt a new rule book.  No one helped them negotiate these troubled waters; they simply had to make the best of a bewildering circumstance.  No wonder they are confused–who wouldn’t be?

When Jena’s infamous tree gained iconic significance, the town fathers and mothers cut it down and built a new addition over the spot where the tree once stood.  This was the most creative response they could muster.

This southern shadowland is most apparent in the criminal justice system.  How can men and women who grew up attending Klan rallies be expected to dispense equal justice in the dawning days of the 21st century?  How can people reared in segregated schools and workshops be expected to fight for cultural diversity?  America is a work in progress.  We ain’t where we need to be–not even close.  But thank God Almighty, we ain’t where we used to be.

Ultimately, simplistic narratives change nothing.  The Jena 6 aren’t heroes and they aren’t villains; they’re just ordinary small-town kids trying to make their way in a confusing world.  Their attorneys won a smashing victory last week because they knew what they were up against and honed their message accordingly.  There’s a lesson in that for all of us.

Alan Bean is the executive director of Friends of Justice. Click here to read his blog.

Categories: Activism, Human Rights, Race
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  • To me, Roy Breithaupt and Reed Walters sound like latter-day Pontius Pilates, determined to wash their hands of the situation because they had to have known how things would shake out if the students “[worked] out their problems on their own.” I see them as not so much racist as gutless -- as were a lot of white Southerners afraid to take a stand for the right for fear of alienating people.
  • paradoxtor
    "How can men and women who grew up attending Klan rallies be expected to dispense equal justice in the dawning days of the 21st century?"

    I found most of this post to be mostly reasonable and balanced until I got to this statement. The implication is that the white leaders in the south grew up attending Klan rallies. The picture is one of a south (that by now would have been in the 70's ,if we assume an average age of leader at 50) where klan rallies were ubiquitous. What a stereotype! Do you have nay evidence that any of the officals involved ever attended a Klan rally? This is the kind of statement that will produce what you allege already exists. While I don't know if any study is out there, I would be willing to bet the farm that the overwhelming majority (95, 96, 97, 98, 99%?) never attended a Klan rally. If your intent was hyperbole, it was the kind that if used on the other side would be denounced as racial stereotyping. You portray the article as a tale of two narratives, but you end by only addressing the problem of one narrative. Is is possible that there are problems with the other side. I could ask how can blacks who were raised under Jim Crow ever be expected to trust a white leader. Does this personify the black southern dilemma? You say of the white leaders "They were raised with one set of rules, then forced to adopt a new rule book. No one helped them negotiate these troubled waters; they simply had to make the best of a bewildering circumstance. No wonder they are confused–who wouldn’t be?" Can that be applied to blacks raised in the south as well? They are not forced to adopt a new set of rules but perhaps the rules have changed and they can't believe it. It has to frustrating as a black person to feel unable to trust a white leader. It is also frustrating as a white to feel that anything you do will be interpreted as prejudice. When you add those from outside the situation promoting their perception and agenda from both sides, it becomes almost impossible to come together to reach a solution.

    I am thrilled with your comment in the discussion of the previous post to hear that there has been progress in churches in Jenna. That gives hope for all. BTW, I appreciate you interaction with the commenters here.
  • I could ask how can blacks who were raised under Jim Crow ever be expected to trust a white leader. Does this personify the black southern dilemma? You say of the white leaders "They were raised with one set of rules, then forced to adopt a new rule book. No one helped them negotiate these troubled waters; they simply had to make the best of a bewildering circumstance. No wonder they are confused–who wouldn’t be?" Can that be applied to blacks raised in the south as well?

    Actually, the reverse doesn't always apply. Southern blacks have always had a good idea of whom they can and can't trust on a personal level; even George Wallace, when he was governor of Alabama in the 1960s and publicly taking stances against segregation, always maintained secret back channels for meeting with African-Americans. (That's why the ended up voting for him when he sought the post again in the 1970s; they understood that he was playing the political game.) Non-violence training, in anticipating victory, taught the folks involved in the Montgomery bus boycott how to act after it ended.

    And I do believe that Beam was using hyperbole when he referred to white Southerners attending Klan rallies; in fact, the Klan was always somewhat unpopular in the South only because they considered it "uncouth." More respectable Southerners joined the White Citizens Councils (which still exist -- they're now called the "Council of Conservative Citizens") which was no less racist.
  • alanbean
    Was I using hyperbole? Yes and no. Reed Walters, the DA in LaSalle Parish, claims that his mentor was Speedy Long, a Dixiecrat segregationist congressman who left national politics in 1973 when it was no longer possible to push the segregationist line. Speedy Long was related to Hughey Long, Louisiana's most famous politician. Like George Wallace, Speedy Long wasn't a fire breathing racist, he was simply determined not to be "out-niggered" (as Wallace put it) by the opposition. That was the political game he understood. Right up until 1973 Speedy Long would invite the Klan, in full regalia, to his political rallies. I rather suspect that Reed Walters did attend some of these affairs, so in that sense I wasn't exaggerating. But whether or not men like Walters and Breithaupt attended these affairs they grew up in a culture still longing for the Jim Crow past and deeply resentful of the civil rights movement. When David Duke ran for governor in 1970 he carried 70% of the LaSalle Parish vote. Factor out the black vote and I suspect the figure would be over 80%. These people knew who David Duke was and in overwhelming numbers they voted for him. While the South has changed, especially in the cities, the shadows of the Jim Crow era still cover the region. The effect is particularly noticeable in small isolated towns like Jena and is particularly evident in the criminal justice system.

    This doesn't mean that southerners are all ignorant bigots. In general, southerners, black and white, tend to be kind, polite, engaging and friendly. But they were that way back in the 1950s as well. I know readers of this blog won't swallow my statements whole, but I do spend a lot of time in communities like Jena and my work cuts pretty close to the cutural bone. The Council of Conservative Citizens figures prominently in the Mississippi case I am currently working on. Many prominent politicians in that state speak at CCC gatherings while insisting they are not racists. The issue, in other words, is complicated. Does the CCC represent Jim Crow's dying gasp? I would like to think so, but I fear the patient has plenty of life left.
  • RegT49
    Alan, thanks for your explanation of the issues. To someone outside the U.S. (Australia) your articles and the comments on the Jena 6 debate have been difficult to understand. The article above definitely helped, and now I understand the passion shown in the comments as well. I think your article was fair and balanced, but I agree with the responses that felt that the KKK reference was not helpful (and I acknowledge your justification).
  • alanbean
    I agree that the reference to the KKK came off sounding like an anachronistic cliche. It was suggested by the Jena situation but, as several people have suggested, doesn't apply that well to other regions of the South, (or to present day Jena). I had considered editing it out and should have done so. The KKK lost credibility with many southern conservatives because their crude tactics created embarrassing headlines. But the Klan's popularity remained strong in certain regions of the South--particularly in isolated towns. Organized racism, as BlueDeacon suggests, is now largely limited to a variety of neo-Confederate organizations with relatively modest membership roles. It would be a mistake to conclude, however, that every southerner who resents the fruits of the civil rights movement belongs to one of these organizations. Consider, for instance, this disturbing article from the Dallas Morning News: http://www.dallasnews.com/sharedcontent/dws/new...
    Many of the folks Texas governor Rick Perry has appointed to a committee on curriculum standards in the public schools don't think the like of Cesar Chavez, Thurgood Marshall and Anne Hutchinson are sufficiently distinguished to rate a mention in social studies textbooks.

    Alan Bean
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